Ringing in the 'Twenties

Every New Year is an occasion for editorial cartoonists to crank out a crapload of Old Father Time and New Year Baby cartoons, and 1920 was no exception. Sameoldsameoldback Saturday presents a sampling of a few outliers today, as well as the trite and true.

"The Baby Vamp" by Tom R. Wood in Los Angeles Daily Herald, January 1, 1920

Tom Wood takes the unusual approach of portraying Baby New Year as a female. He could have been making allusion to the fact that women would enjoy suffrage in federal elections for the first time that year, but I doubt it. I suspect that Wood was commenting instead on female fashions, and not entirely favorably. He would surely be shocked by the bobbed hair and flapper skirts in the decade to come.

"Happy Dry Year" by Sidney Joseph Greene in New York Evening Telegram,  January 1, 1920

The new year was not without opportunities for editorial cartoonists to make timely and original comment on the changeover of calendars. The year's first ruling from the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Volstead Act, codifying the Eighteenth Amendment — Prohibition — into federal law.

"This Year, Alas" by Ervine Metzl for Cartoons Magazine, January, 1920

Ervine Metzl drew the cartoon above to illustrate an article in Cartoons Magazine. Some of his poster work for the Chicago Transit Authority in the 1920's is apparently still in use today, and was featured as part of a Field Museum exhibit in 2004. His later work included designs for U.S. postage stamps.

"Passing the Buck" by Nelson Harding in Brooklyn Daily Eagle, January 2, 1920

The Supreme Court may have settled the Prohibition question, but that left a host of other issues unresolved. You'd think that after two millennia, we'd have learned how to solve all our problems by December 31. Our great-grandparents hadn't figured it out a century ago, and neither have we.

"Get Busy and Crack These Nuts" by William C. Morris for George Matthew Adams Service, January, 1920

William Morris offers Baby 1920 fewer unsolved problems than Nelson Harding: the higher cost of living, returning management of the railroads to private ownership, industrial unrest, and the continuing problem of Mexican rebels kidnapping Mexican and American citizens for ransom.

"What! You're Still Here" by Clifford Berryman in Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, January 1, 1920

Clifford Berryman finds further unfinished business in the war, thirteen months after armistice was declared, with no likelihood of the U.S. Senate ratifying the peace agreement in a presidential election year.

"Giddap" by Bob Satterfield for Newspaper Enterprise Association, January, 1920

Bob Satterfield appears to have more confidence in Baby 1920's ability to handle the problems left to him than many of his fellow cartoonists had.

"Zoo Logic" by Ben Ryan in New York Evening Telegram, January 1, 1920

On to lighter fare: New Year's Day would seem to be an auspicious day for a cartoonist to launch a new strip on the comics page. Ben Ryan would, however, have difficulty keeping his new year's resolution to "make you laugh every day this year." By the end of 1920, the New York Evening Telegram had dropped its comics page, keeping only a couple comic strips to break up other pages. "Zoo Logic" was not one of them.

"See Who's Here" by C.F. Naughton in Duluth Evening Herald, January 1, 1920

C.F. Naughton opts for a simple graphic in lieu of his daily editorial cartoon. Nobody likes to stay late at their desk over New Year's.

"Here's Hoping" by Fred O. Seibel in Knickerbocker Press, Albany, NY, ca. January, 1920

Fred Seibel offers a preachy version of the tired observation that many New Year's resolutions expire before the eleven pipers piping show up.

"Henry Dubb No Longer" by Ryan Walker in New York Evening Call, January 1, 1920

Finally, on the topic of New Year's resolutions, Ryan Walker at the socialist Call imagines what resolutions the U.S. Postal Service (which would refuse to deliver the Call), the High Cost of Living, a Kept Editor, and "Grabitall" were making, and how the proletariat needed to respond. Walker neglected to consider resolutions by the New York Assembly, which would suspend five duly elected socialist representatives at the commencement of the legislative session in January, and would expel them in April on grounds of "disloyalty."

1919's Rash of Lynching

Mercurial President Donald Trump brought up the subject of lynching earlier this week, so Sweptback Saturday takes the occasion to travel just slightly over a century into history to a time when lynching was running rampant in the U.S.

The Chicago race riots that we discussed here in August were just one episode out of many that would lead to a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan. The "Red Summer" continued well into the fall; the entire nation would be shocked by a mob riot in Omaha, Nebraska, on Sunday, September 28.

"Held Up!" by John H. Cassel in New York Evening World,  September 30, 1919

A white mob set fire to the Douglas County Courthouse and hanged Mayor Edward Smith from traffic light, demanding that he release to them one William Brown, a black man accused of attacking a white woman. Authorities released some hundred or so prisoners being held at the four-story courthouse onto the roof. According to some accounts, the mob pushed past Sheriff Clark and seized Brown in a corridor; Clark's own account to the press was that other prisoners pushed Brown off the roof into the mob below.

"Dawn in Omaha" by Daniel Fitzpatrick in St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October, 1919

Mayor Smith ended up in the hospital, and Brown ended up in the morgue, shot twice, hanged, and burned. (There are photographs, if you can stomach them, but I will neither include nor link to them here.) Army units under General Leonard Wood were sent to Omaha to restore order, effecting an undeclared martial law over the next two weeks.

But the most deadly riot of the Red Summer was in Elaine, Arkansas two days after the Omaha lynching, when whites panicked over a rumor that blacks were planning an armed insurrection. As many as 237 African-American residents of the small town may have been killed by the white mob. As a further injustice, 72 African-Americans were tried and convicted of murder, and twelve of them sentenced to death.

"Just a Nightmare" by Claude Shafer in Cincinnati Post,  October, 1919

What strikes me about the editorial cartoons I came across about these race riots and lynchings is that so many of them completely overlook the racial component central to the violence. Even John Cassel, whose cartoons praising African-American soldiers I've pointed out before, ignores the issue of race in his cartoon about the Omaha riot.

To some extent, that is because there were at the same time a number of workers' strikes beset by violence (largely blamed on the strikers, although the brutal tactics of law enforcement public and private certainly contributed to that mayhem). And the issues overlap: the official inquiry into the Elaine lynchings admitted no African-American testimony, but historians agree that there was no plot of armed revolt. Rather, black sharecroppers were attempting to organize union-style for more equitable terms from their white landowners. Elsewhere, employers brought in African-Americans as "scab" laborers during labor strikes, only exacerbating racial animosity.

Conflating a host of issues, Sidney Greene, below, cites "mob maniacs" as just the bottom-most of many things which might embarrass the U.S. in front of visiting royalty.

"Hide These 'Sights' from the Belgian King" by Sidney Greene in New York Evening Telegram, October 3, 1919

Not surprisingly, the one cartoon I've found specifying race as its topic was by an African-American cartoonist, Leslie Rogers of the Chicago Defender.

"Sightseeing" by Leslie Rogers in Chicago Defender, October, 1919

For what it's worth, not every lynch mob resulted in mass murder. On Hallowe'en, hundreds of white citizens of Corbin, Kentucky, sparked by a report of a robbery, forced every black resident they could find in town out of their homes and into a train bound for Knoxville.

Rattling off a list of other lynchings in a October 1, 1919 editorial, the Philadelphia Public Ledger gave this mealy-mouthed sort-of condemnation of one of them:

"In Mt. Holly, N.J., there is talk of lynching a negro who attacked a white woman. If anything justifies a lynching, it is the crime with which this negro is charged. But nothing justifies a lynching. Lynching may be too good for the criminal. It is the damnable effect that it has on the mob and the reaction on the country at large that make it wholly bad."

"Oh, Little Brother" by Gaar Williams in Indianapolis News, October, 1919

Sen. John Sharp Williams (D-MS) leapt to the defense of the lynch mobs, harrumphing,

"In all the debates we have had here over these race disturbances, no mention has been made of the fact that they had, in most instances, their inception in attempts by negro men to violate white women. I will go as far as any man along the path of peace, and I will arbitrate any dispute which I think can be settled by peaceful means, but when it comes to a man regardless of his color, violating women, I surrender him to the first crowd."

As shocking as Senator Williams's statement is today, I suspect that the "attempts by negro men to violate white women" that incensed him and his mobs would elicit from even the most hypersensitive of today's #MeToo warriors a hesitant "Is that all?"

"At the Other End of the Lynchers' Rope" by J. N. "Ding" Darling in New York Tribune, October 3, 1919

Consider also that, as a later grand jury in the Omaha case found, "Several reported assaults on white women had actually been perpetrated by whites in blackface," charging that figures in organized crime "premeditated and planned" the rioting. Their evidence included police reports that at least one white rioter was arrested wearing blackface.

Yet no white person was ever found guilty of participation in the riot.

William Howard Taft Weighs In

Swingback Saturday returns to the thrilling days of yestercentury to check up on how President Woodrow Wilson's peace negotiations were going ... with the Republican Congress.

"The Champion" by Cyrus Hungerford in Pittsburgh Sun, July/Aug., 1919

At the end of the Great War, there was considerable public relief that the fighting was over, and support for Wilson's League of Nations to prevent any more wars. But Republican Senators nevertheless mounted opposition to the peace treaty. Their motives varied; isolationist Sen. William Borah of Idaho was against American involvement in any international body, whereas Majority Leader Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts had the more cynical aim of denying President Wilson a domestic political victory.

"Jazzing the Professor's Grand Opera Composition" by Jay N. "Ding" Darling in Des Moines Register, Aug., 1919

Between those two interests, throwing up one "reservation" to President Wilson's treaty after another, the prospects for American ratification of the Treaty of Versailles grew dimmer with each passing day.

"A Very Present Help" by Bill Sykes in Philadelphia Public Ledger, Aug., 1919

Into the fray ventured William Howard Taft, at this point the only living ex-President of the United States. Having served as Governor of Cuba and of the Philippines after the Spanish-American War, and as Secretary of War under Theodore Roosevelt, he had some experience with the U.S.'s expanded role in the world. As President of the League to Enforce Peace, he had pressed for an international organization dedicated to the cause of preventing war since 1915, so it was no surprise that he should break with the then current leaders of his party.

"His Former Master's Voice" by John Knott in Dallas News, Aug., 1919

Taft contributed essays to a book the League to Enforce Peace published in the summer of 1919, The Covenanter: An American Exposition of the Covenant of the League of Nations. He addressed his fellow Republicans' charge that the League would act in violation of the Monroe Doctrine:

"The sum and substance of the Monroe Doctrine is that we do not propose in our own interest to allow European nations or Asiatic nations to acquire, beyond what they now have, through war or purchase or intrigue, territory, political power, or strategical opportunities from the countries of this hemisphere. Article X of the League is intended to secure this to all nations, except that it does not forbid purchase of territory or power.

"The White House Gardener" by Cyrus Hungerford in Pittsburgh Sun, Aug., 1919

"In some speeches in the Senate intimations have been made which enlarge this doctrine beyond what can be justified. Those who would seek to enforce a Monroe Doctrine which makes the western hemisphere our own preserve, in which we may impose our sovereign will on the will of other countries in their own interest, because, indeed, we have done that in the east, should not be sustained.

"The Butterfly" by Sidney J. Greene in New York Evening Telegram, Aug., 1919

"The European nations desire our entrance into this League not that they may control America, but to secure our aid in controlling Europe, and I venture to think that they would be relieved if the primary duty of keeping peace and policing this western hemisphere was relegated to us and our western colleagues."

"Keerful Y' Don't Make a Mess of It, Boys" by Elmer A. Bushnell  for Central Press Assn., Aug., 1919

"Will our country be forced by these covenants into a lot of little wars all over the face of the world? No. In the first place, the existence of the League and its covenants and the immediate self-acting boycotts will restrain most nations, especially small nations, from incurring the penalty of complete world ostracism. The background of possible united force will be a further restraint. It will minimize war everywhere."

As significant as Taft's book was, it was President Wilson tasked with touring the country to rally support for the League. In September, Wilson suffered a stroke that took him out of the game, leaving the field wide open for the League's opponents.

✍

I'm going to take a couple weeks off from history studies, but do keep tuning in for my regular contemporary cartoons. 

Race Riots and High Prices

Non Sequiturback Saturday looks at race riots and the cost of living a century ago, and the editorial cartoonists' response to both. We'll start with the heavy stuff.

"Prohibition Hasn't Sobered the Headlines" by John T. McCutcheon in Chicago Tribune, August 16, 1919

Chicago experienced a week of rioting after a Black youth, Eugene Williams, swimming off a de facto whites-only beach, was stoned by White youths until he drowned. Police refused to arrest the man witnesses identified as the instigator of the stoning, which sparked rioting by Black gangs and unmeasured retaliation by White ethnic gangs. 23 Blacks and 15 Whites were killed, over 500 injured. White arsonists burned 1,000 Black families out of their homes between July 27 and August 3, 1919, as lamented by Black cartoonist Leslie Rogers.

"Stamp Him Out" by Leslie Rogers in Chicago Defender, August, 1919

Racial tension and violence was by no means limited to Chicago. White veterans returned home to find their pre-war jobs filled by immigrants and by Blacks who had migrated north and west from southern states. 1919 would see racist resentment spur riots in Washington, DC; Knoxville, TN; Longview, TX; Phillips Co., AR; and Omaha, NE.

"Following the Advice of the 'Old Crowd' Negro," unsigned, in The Messenger, August, 1919 

"The 'New Crowd Negro' Making America Safe for Himself," unsigned, in The Messenger, August, 1919

Although my selection of editorial cartoons here clearly hold White hoodlums responsible for the rioting, there were editorial writers who insinuated that some Blacks had fallen under the influence of Bolshevik rabble-rousers.

"The Slave of Violence" by Sidney Joseph Greene in New York Evening Telegram, July 31, 1919

Moving on to much less serious matters, but one that held more cartoonists' attention: high prices of commodities have been a perennial concern since the days of the cowry shell. Attacks on shipping before the U.S. entered the war, and the need to supply our soldiers after that had necessitated shortages on various goods; Americans were unpleasantly surprised not to see a return to Taft-era prices. As a writer for the Brooklyn Daily Eagle quipped, "The roar against the high cost of necessities is accompanied by a howl about the necessities of high costs."

"Faith, Hope and Charity" by Sidney J. Greene in New York Evening Telegram, August 3, 1919

I have to note here that while Sidney Greene's cartoon may have run in the Milwaukee Sentinel, he drew it for the New York Evening Telegram; the Sentinel did not have a cartoonist of its own in 1919.

It was not standard practice, as it has been as long as I can remember, for cartoonists to include a credit line for their newspaper or syndicate in the body of their cartoons. One possible exception is William C. Morris, who included an encircled "A" in the cartoons he drew for the George Matthew Adams Service.

"Let the Sun Shine on It" by Kenneth Chamberlain in Cleveland Press, August, 1919

Concern over the high cost of living was so pervasive that headline writers routinely used "H.C.L." instead of spelling it out. The public, press and politicians focused their ire on profiteering by producers withholding foodstuffs, coal, and other commodities from the market. Grocers, for their part, replied that, thanks to the new practice of allowing customers to fill their shopping baskets rather than having the grocer fetch things for them, those consumers were choosing only the most attractive meats and vegetables and leaving the rest to rot on market shelves.

"Under the Old Family Umbrella" by Donald McKee for Associated Newspapers, August 7, 1919

Surplus food supplies held by the War Department also contributed to raising costs, so it was a relief to consumers when the government began selling these supplies to the public by parcel post in mid-August. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer proposed reinstating wartime controls over supplies and costs.

"Another Victory Day" by Elmer A. Bushnell for Central Press Assn., Cleveland, August, 1919

To give you an idea what consumers were complaining about, here are excerpts from letters to the Telegraph-Herald of Dubuque, Iowa:

"I recently paid forty-three cents a pound for pork loins and thirty-eight cents a pound for pork shoulder. While I do not know the exact costs of handling this meat, still I feel sure that these prices are excessive..." —An Old Subscriber
"This morning my wife bought a pound of boiled ham and do you know what she paid for it? Eighty cents! I was sure there was a mistake, but I found that the price ranged from sevety-five to eighty cents, and the very poorest cuts for twenty-five cents." —A Plain Citizen
"I see by the papers that the government has been requested to look into the high prices of food. If they would pay Dubuque a visit, they would find plenty to investigate right here. Yesterday our butcher charged me thirty-eight cents for fresh beef. But the bacon takes the prize. It cost me seventy cents a pound." —A Regular Reader
"Somebody has this town by the throat and is trying to choke it. Here's why. Today I paid a dollar a peck for potatoes. I also bought a hundred-pound sack of flour for seven dollars and thirty-five cents. Is that fair?" —One of the Consumers

"The Fickle Public" by Albert W. Steele in Denver Post, August, 1919

Since it may be hard to read this Denver Post cartoon, "The Fickle Public," the dancing man being booed on stage is "High Cost o' Livin'," and President Wilson's ribbon identifies him as "Stage Manager." I can't imagine that the fickle audience had cheered Mr. Livin' at any point during his performance, so I'm guessing — wildly, mind you — that Miss League of Nations is disappointed that the audience isn't booing her any more.

Last Call for Alcohol

Just a quick Synthale Saturday post today to mark the centennial this week of ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

"Across" by Carey Orr in Chicago Tribune, January 19, 1919

It's as if the idea wasn't even the least bit controversial. States were falling over each other to enshrine Prohibition in the Constitution. With ratification by Nebraska, North Carolina, and Utah legislatures on January 16, 1919 — less than a month after its approval by Congress — Prohibition had passed muster in the required 36 out of 48 states. Missouri and Wyoming approved ratification later that day, and all the remaining states but Connecticut and Rhode Island would follow suit by March 3.

"United Sahara America" by Sidney J. Greene in New York Evening Telegram, January 19, 1919

The 1910's witnessed a rash of amendments to the Constitution — one more of them than the antebellum trio of Amendments from 1865-70. Passage of the Sixteenth Amendment in 1913, authorizing federal income taxation, paved the way for the Eighteenth Amendment by giving the government, heavily reliant on liquor excise fees, an alternative source of funding. The Nineteenth Amendment extending the vote to women was slogging its way through Congress and state legislatures simultaneously with the Eighteenth.

"Well, There's No Getting Out of It" by Nelson Harding in Brooklyn Daily Eagle, January 19, 1919

The Eighteenth is unique among all the Articles and Amendments in that it is the only one to limit the freedom of individuals. All the others grant powers to or limit powers of the federal government or states. (Granted, one could argue that the Thirteenth Amendment limits the freedom of individuals to own slaves, but it does so by extending the Declaration of Independence's promise of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" to other individuals.)

"Slipping? Well, Yes" by Harry Murphy in Chicago Herald and Examiner, ca. Jan. 8, 1919

And so, the Noble Experiment was underway.

"'Long 'Bout This Time o' Year, Next Year" by Coleman .F. Naughton in Duluth (MN) Evening Herald, January 17, 1919

After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all the territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby prohibited.

"Maybe Now We Won't Need That Fence at All" by John N. "Ding" Darling in New York Tribune, January 21, 1919

"Ding" Darling brings our discussion back to the present day and Teetotaler Trump's obsession with his ugly border wall. If Congress lets him have this one vanity project, who's to say he won't shut down the government again to force repeal of the Twenty-first Amendment?

Dry Humor

The bartender in my syndicated cartoon this week would be out of a job if the politicians of a century ago had anything to say about it.

Which they did. 100 years and a month ago, Congress passed the Food Production Stimulation Act, ostensibly to further the war effort, even though the armistice had been declared ten days earlier.

"And I Thought It Was Only a 'Dud'" by Ted Brown in Chicago Daily News, November, 1918,
recaptioned by Cartoons Magazine, Chicago, February, 1919

After some provisions authorizing the Secretary of Agriculture to act on combating diseases and pests among livestock and produce and to stockpile seeds, the Act prohibited the production of alcoholic beverages of all kinds after May 1 and their import, export, and sale after June 30 "until the conclusion of the present war and thereafter until the termination of demobilization, the date of which shall be determined and proclaimed by the President of the United States." Exception was made only for wine for "sacramental, medicinal, or other than beverage purposes."

"The Latest Autocrat" by R.A. Evans in Baltimore American, November, 1918

The Prohibition movement cobbled together a peculiar coalition of progressives, puritans, suffragists, nativists and racists: Women's Christian Temperance Union president Frances Willard told the New York Voice in 1890 that "'Better whiskey and more of it' is the rallying cry of great, dark-faced mobs." Irish, Russian, Italian, and especially during the war, German immigrants were popularly depicted as habitual drunkards wasting valuable resources and contributing to the downfall of American society.  Prohibitionists promised that banning alcohol would save families from the scourge of abusive fathers, boost industrial production, and fill the pews on Sunday morning.

"Didn't Even Get an Armistice" by Sydney J. Greene in New York Evening Telegram, November 23, 1918

Not everybody was on board, but the prohibition movement had bipartisan support in Congress and around the country. 

"The Last Hope Is Gone" by William Hanny in St. Joseph (MO) News-Press, November 23, 1918

The 1910's and 20's were fertile ground for amending the U.S. Constitution, and prohibition would not be limited to this single bill,  or subject to some future president declaring peace to have broken out. Fifteen states — including nine in which liquor was legal — had already voted to ratify the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution by the time the Congress voted for it in December. Ratification would need approval by 21 more state legislatures; 46 voted aye by February. Only Connecticut and Rhode Island voted against it.

✍

"Scuttling the Good Ship Victory" by Frank A. Nankivell in New York Journal, November 23, 1918

Moving on to another subject entirely, Congress instigated a postwar investigation into subversive activities at home during the conflict. As far as the editors of the New York Journal were concerned, the chief focus of the investigation was William Randolph Hearst's media empire, headquartered at the New York American. The Journal's editorial page cartoonist, Australian-born Frank A. Nankivell, drew cartoons exclusively attacking Mr. Hearst for the last six weeks of 1918.

On December 3, the Journal splashed three supposedly damning telegrams by Hearst unearthed by the congressional investigation. In one from March 3, 1917, Hearst dictates a cartoon he wanted his New York cartoonist, Winsor McCay, to draw.

According to the Journal, McCay did indeed draw that cartoon to his publisher's specifications. If I am ever able to find that cartoon, I'll be sure to come back and repost it here. Suffice it to say that other cartoonists in Hearst's media empire cranked out "yellow peril" cartoons in the months before U.S. entry into the Great War (see Chicago Examiner cartoonist Harry Murphy's cartoon in this post), with or without Hearst's active direction.

"So Simple—It Sells Papers" by Frank A. Nankivell in New York Journal, December 13, 1918

Surely Journal president Ogden Reid couldn't have been dictating Mr. Nankivell's cartoons!

ß

Bring the Boys Back Home

Its centennial may be over, but here at Safelyback Saturday, we haven't forgotten about World War I. Since it has been somewhat busy chez nous, and I haven't gotten quite as far in my yuletide errands as I would like, here's a cursory look at American editorial cartoons as the country returned to a peacetime footing.

"Her Christmas Present" by Carey Orr in Chicago Tribune, December 22, 1918

Mother was certainly happy to see her boy back home in time for Christmas. The United States' role in world affairs, however, had been irrevocably changed. The country had been unprepared for the war at its outset, and vowed not to be caught flat-footed in the future.

"His Death Warrant" by Sidney J. Greene in New York Evening Telegram, December 13, 1918

We have just passed the 100th anniversary of Frank O. King's "Gasoline Alley," as has been well celebrated elsewhere. Not yet a comic strip standing on its own, "Gasoline Alley" appeared as one dialogue-cluttered panel in King's full-page "Rectangle" feature on Sundays. Here is the fifth appearance of the denizens of the Alley — Walt is the guy in short sleeves — abutted by a discussion of freedom of the seas (in which the fellow worries about our erstwhile ally Japan declaring war on the U.S. someday) and the impact of peace on doughnut holes.

Detail of "The Rectangle" by Frank O. King in Chicago Tribune, December 22, 1918

If Americans were at all worried about future enemies, the greater concern for the moment was over their most recent one.

"All That Could Be Expected" by Nelson Harding in Brooklyn Daily Eagle, December 23, 1918

The European Entente powers demanded harsh reparations from Germany, even though the allied embargo against the Central Powers had seriously depleted the defeated nations' resources.

"The Second Table" by Ted Brown in Chicago Daily News, December, 1918

President Woodrow Wilson's idealistic dream of a League of Nations to prevent future wars was met with skepticism by our allies, and with a return of partisan politics at home.

"Back Seat Drivers" by Burt Thomas in Detroit News, November/December, 1918

How Mr. Wilson was driving depended upon where one sat.

"Gangway!" by Elmer A. Bushnell in Cincinnati Times Star, ca. December 23, 1918 

Aren't you glad political divisions are a thing of the forgotten past?

"Already Taken His Position" by Jay N. "Ding" Darling in New York Tribune, ca. December 26, 1918